Your response is full of Arab disinformation warfare lies.

"Nakba" and expulsions:: It's a myth. Most Arabs left under orders from the Jordanian army and the Arab Higher Committee, as both have testified:

PMW video documentary: “Leave: The origins of Palestinian refugees” (in their own words)

Itamar Marcus | May 15, 2024

Arab refugees tell their personal stories: It was Arab leaders, Arab armies, and the Arab media that caused the Arabs to flee and become refugees https://palwatch.org/page/35117

From Jamal Husseini, Arab Higher Committee spokesman:

"Regarding our withdrawals in Palestine. It appears that only one person was killed during the withdrawals, which took place when the situation was still satisfactory. The withdrawals were carried out pursuant to an order emanating from Amman. The withdrawal from Nazareth was ordered by Amman; the withdrawal from Safed was ordered by Amman; the withdrawal orders from Lydda and Ramle are well known to you. During none of these withdrawals did fighting take place. The regular armies did not enable the inhabitants of the country to defend themselves, but merely facilitated their escape from Palestine.

All the orders emanated from one place. The Iraqian people were furious and sent a parliamentary delegation to study the situation in Palestine. Upon their return, the delegation declared that Palestine could be occupied by the Iraqian army in conjunction with the army of another Arab state."https://cojs.org/jamal_husseini-s_description_of_the_palestine_situation_on_august_31-_1948/

Syrian PM Khalid Al-Azm in 1948-49 said the same thing: "we encouraged them to leave."

Also, the Arab leaders were explicit about using Arab civilians behind IDF lines as a 5th column. The Israelis' plan Dalet was a preemptive reaction to this strategy announced by the Arabs.

Listen to Arab Israeli journalist Yoseph Haddad, whose grandfather got the order to leave....and didn't. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R1cVsyUXxYM

Arab indigeneity: I've debunked this before with archival research about Palestine's real demography in Joan Peters' From Time Immemorial and Arieh Avneri's The Claim of Dispossession. https://medium.com/lessons-from-history/palestinians-nakba-stolen-land-myth-ac8d1849166d

“The French scholar, M. Sabry, whose sources were the archives in Cairo writes: “Abdullah, the Governor of Akko, encouraged the migration of fellaheen from Egypt and gave them shelter. Mohammed Ali, the ruler of Egypt, complained to the Porte (the Sultan), who replied that the immigrants were citizens of the Empire and were entitled to settle anywhere they pleased. In 1831, more than six thousand fellaheen crossed the Egyptian border, and Abdullah, in his bountiful mercy, refused to return them (to Egypt).” After he conquered Palestine, not only did Mohammed Ali refrain from sending back the draft evaders to Egypt, but he sent new settlers to consolidate his rule. The Egyptian settlers scattered to many urban and rural points, appropriated large tracts of land, and lent variety and numbers to the existing population.” (Avneri, page 13)

The British traveler Henry Baker Tristram first visited Palestine in 1858, writing that:

“the inhabitants of one of the villages in the Beit-Shean Valley “are Egyptian immigrants and they are grievously oppressed by the neighbouring Bedouin.” The Arab Hinadi tribe came to the Jordan Valley, and after some years settled in the village of Delhamiya. The village Ubeidiya in the Jordan Valley was settled by Egyptians, as was Kafer-Miser, in the vicinity of Kaukab el-Hawa. Many Egyptians also settled in Akko and its suburbs. Members of the Arab el-Ufi tribe settled in Akko and its suburbs.” (Avneri, page 13)

In the 1860s the British Palestine Exploration Fund reported in its:

“regional map of Jaffa, most of the city was made up of Egyptian-populated districts. “Saknet el-Mussariya,” “Saknet Abu Kebir,” “Saknet Hammad” and “Saknet Abu Derwish” were all settled by Egyptians who had accompanied the conquering army. Another district, “Saknet el-Abid,” was settled by freed slaves.” (Avneri, page 14)

If in today’s West Bank you meet families named Masri, an Egyptian surname meaning “Egyptian,” this is their origin:

“In the cities of Samaria and Judea there are hundreds of families which, to this day, are named Masri. The origin of all of them is traceable to those who left Egypt at the time of Ibrahim Pasha.” (Avneri, page 14)

The PEF is an invaluable source for documenting Palestine’s demographic upheavals disproving Husseini’s 13 centuries of continuity thesis:

“W.J. Masterman, an associate of the Palestine Exploration Fund, dated 1914, describes the Moslem population as being of mixed origin. One of the neighborhoods was called Hareth el-Karad, which denotes a population of Kurdish origin. There were also many families of Algerian origin. In another part of his report Masterman comments that half the Moslem population of Safed were Mugrabis who had accompanied Abd el-Kader when he went into exile….Asians from all over the world — Persians, Afghans, Hindus and Baluchis — were engaged in commerce.” (Avneri, page 17)

Events as far afield as Crimea and Algeria impacted Palestine’s demography, triggering the immigration of thousands of Arab, Berber, Kurdish and Turkic refugees:

“In 1878 Sultan Abd el-Hamid took under his protection Circassian refugees who had fled the Christian-Russian rule in the Caucasus…Some Moslems from Bosnia also found refuge in Palestine and settled near Caesarea.” (Avneri, 18)

Illegal immigrant laborers to mandatory Palestine clustered in their own neighborhoods, keeping their particular identity before assimilating in later generations that gave them the patina of indigeneity that gullible western woke-istan falls for:

“The Hauranis in Haifa lived in a special quarter which they called Hareth el-Tanaq. In the course of time the Government built a housing project for them on the slopes of Mount Carmel, called Howassa. It housed about a thousand souls. In the War of Independence they vigorously attacked Jewish settlements and transportation.” (Avneri, pages 32–33)

Jewish immigrants also clustered tribally, with many refugees from Nazi Germany settling in Haifa. When I visited Haifa in 1971 my high school German came in handy. In Haifa my non-Hebrew speaking father used Yiddish, a linguistic cousin to German (German with a sense of humor) to communicate. English was far less widespread in 1971 Israel than now.

So the clustered settlement pattern followed by Arab immigrants attracted by Jewish land reclamation investment and British road, rail and port building was just like recent immigrants globally, whether Italians in the North End of Boston and Brooklyn’s Bensonhurst, or my Polish-Cockney maternal grandfather’s family in London’s East End (Whitechapel).

“The Egyptians lived in separate areas called Saknat, and though they had lived in the country for seventy years, they preserved their distinctive native dress. Y. Shimoni writes: “The primary areas of settlement of the Egyptians are in the coastal plain in the south of the country, between Tulkarem and Gaza. The further south one goes, the greater the percentage of Egyptians among the Arab population, both in the villages and the towns. In all the villages in this area, one finds a district, or at the least a family, that is known as el-Musriya, Egyptian. Some villages were actually founded by Egyptian immigrants….Many of these Egyptians settled in Hadera and (those who survived the malaria) found work in the citrus groves. Zvi Nadav relates: “In Hadera we worked together with about twenty Arabs, most of them blacks and Egyptians.” (ibid, 15–16)

“Mais, an Algerian village near Qedesh and he noted in his diary: it is “a colony of Algerian Arabs, refugees, who still wear the Algerian burnous, and build the ‘gourbis’ of Mount Atlas. They cordially responded to me when addressed in the patois of North Africa.” (Avneri, page 16)

Labeling any of these immigrants “indigenous” to where they clustered with their Landsman (Yiddish for compatriots) is clearly nonsense. The Algerian, Egyptian and Sudanesse immigrants to Ottoman and mandatory Palestine were no more indigenous than the Italians and Irish to Boston and Brooklyn, or my Ukrainian Jewish grandparents were to New York.

Mid 19th to early 20th century Arab society had a clear intra-Muslim racial pecking order, with blacks, often freed slaves, at the bottom, then Egyptians and Mugrabis (westerners) at the top:

“In the same report to the Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly, 1893, Baldensperger describes the Mugrabis of Jaffa, who had migrated to the country over the years. They tended to live near the mosques and were employed as watchmen in the citrus groves and in the fields. Some established themselves permanently. Most of them had passed through Jaffa on their way to Mecca and some Mugrabis intermarried with the local Moslems, something that the Egyptians and blacks had not succeeded in doing.” (Avneri, page 17)

That UNRWA classified anyone who’d been living in mandatory Palestine only since June 1, 1946 legitimized this false indigeneity.

Arab Emigration

Visit the triangle border area of Paraguay-Brazil-Argentina and you can speak Arabic, the result of this 20th century immigration wave:

“the immigration wave to the New World, which swept millions of people from Europe to North and^ South America, did not by-pass the Palestinian Arabs. Thousands of Arabs, mostly Christians, who despaired of bettering themselves economically in Palestine, left the country and went across the seas. The process of population turnover among the Palestinian Arabs continued but the causes changed: The introduction of a foreign population no longer came in the wake of military conquest, nor was the population any longer diminished as a result of internal strife. Instead, there was migration to and from Palestine usually for economic reasons.”

The mandatory government kept tabs on the demographic revolving door of locals leaving while thousands of Hauranis, Iraqis, Egyptians and Jews immigrated in a population exchange completely ignored by the partisans of the “stolen land” libel:

“The High Commissioner replied that the population of Bethlehem was estimated to be about 14,000 to 15.000 people. During the ten-year period between 1910 and 1920, 4,500 people emigrated from the town; 393 returned. In the year 1919/20, 245 emigrated and 35 returned. In 1920/21, 185 emigrated and 65 returned.62 during a ten-year period, at a time when the Jews had no political standing, a third of the population of Bethlehem emigrated voluntarily.

“Safed in those days had the relatively large population of 25,000, of whom 11.000 were Jews. There is no documentation on migration for other Districts. According to Abramowich-Gelfat, Arab emigration ran to about 2,500 to 3,000 annually. The average over a twenty-five year period was undoubtedly lower, but it must have reached 30,000–40,000 for the period under discussion.” (Avneri, page 26)

Who’s local and who’s not?

If the descendants of the 851,000 Jews expelled and expropriated from Arab lands since Baghdad’s Farhud pogrom of 1941 aren’t “local,” then neither are the Egyptian Masris of Nablus and Ramallah. Clearly a higher standard for “local” — indigeneity — is applied to Jews returning to their ancestral homeland than to Arabs coming from the Maghreb, Egypt, Iraq and Syria.

If the great grandchildren of the Eastern European Jews who reclaimed the malaria-ridden swamps of the Ottoman-ruled vilayet called Southern Syria aren’t local, then neither are the descendants of the Haurani, Syrian, Egyptian, Algerian, Circassian and Iraqi refugees and laborers who found jobs in the ports, railroads and building sites created by the British army and Jewish capital investment after centuries of Ottoman neglect.

“The building of the Jerusalem-Jaffa railroad inaugurated in 1892 employed many workers from Palestine and from other countries. The Belgian company that built the railroad imported Egyptian laborers to do the digging. They remained in the country. At the start of the century, work on the railway track between Haifa and Edrei was begun. (It was completed in 1905.) At the outbreak of World War I, the Haifa-Nablus railroad was begun. The local fellaheen and urban labor forces did not have the required skills for building and operating railroads. Many workers were imported from neighboring countries, mainly from Syria and Lebanon. In 1880 Haifa was a small town of 6,000 souls, with fewer than two hundred Jews. In 1910 it had 18,000 inhabitants, of whom 15,000 were Moslems and Christians. Many of the newcomers to the city were from Lebanon and Syria…” (Avneri, page 27)

“Before the First World War they worked on the reclamation of the swamp-lands of Hadera. The engineer in charge of the reclamation project writes: “In view of the dearth of local laborers, capable of working in water and mud, I imported 150 Egyptians to do the work of digging. They participated in the laying of the railroad tracks from Jerusalem to Jaffa that a Belgian company executed, and thereafter remained in the country.” (Avneri, page 15)

The British ignored Jewish demands that they employ local labor, whether Arab or Jewish:

“The head of the Political Department of the Jewish Agency demanded some years later that the railroad employ local rather than foreign labor, but the Chief Secretary of the Palestine Government replied that it would be unfair to discharge veteran employees and hire new ones.” (Avneri, page 29)

Many of the “Palestinians” who would later flee Haifa in 1948 on orders from their Mufti and Arab league military commanders, were Egyptian:

“Many Arab workers came from the neighboring countries as well….The building of the railroad to Qantara on the Egyptian border was directed from Haifa. For this project thousands of Egyptians were employed. They began laying the tracks simultaneously from the south and from the north. Many did not return to Egypt, but preferred to settle in Haifa where they found employment with the railroad or other governmental agencies.” (ibid, 29)

During March 1935, 3,220 Arabs, of whom 1,470 were Hauranis, were employed in the citrus groves of Petah-Tikva. In February 1935 there were 1,654 non-Palestinians employed in the Haifa port on the 25th of the month; 1,854 on the 26th; and 1,892 on the 27th. (Avneri, page 32)

The result was an increase in the Arab population far beyond any conceivable natural increase through high fertility,"

win-win: The Arabs abandon their 75 year War of Return and get rid of the Hezbollah and Hamas jihadi death and martyrdom cults. While Ernest Bevin is still right, there will be no win-win:

"For the Jews the essential point of principle is the creation of a sovereign Jewish State. For the Arabs, the essential point of principle is to resist to the last the establishment of Jewish sovereignty in any part of Palestine”. (Wilf/Schwarz, The War of Return, 15)

If you don't know who Bevin was, you're expressing opinions in utter ignorance.

"There is a lot of....both parties": This is the ahistorical and odious ideology of moral equivalence. Iran and its 3H's build a ring of fire around the world's only Jewish state to annihilate it, and that state's self-defense gets define as a war crime. As always in Jewish history, Jews find themselves alone. But this time, unlike the previous 2000 years, we're armed.

Dr. Einat Wilf is right until you find a Palestinian voice willing to say this publicly:

“What I need to hear from a Palestinian is this: the Jewish people, as a people, have the equal right to self-determination in this land which is also their homeland. I know that this means that we can build a state of Palestine next to the Jewish state of Israel and not instead of it. I understand that this means that living in Gaza and the West Bank I am not a refugee from Palestine. This means I do not possess a right of return into the sovereign state of Israel. I only want to build a prosperous state of Palestine in Gaza and the West Bank and nowhere else. And I always tell them go bring me one….and no one ever does. And just to be clear, it’s not that I’m sitting and saying, oh look at me you know no one ever comes back. As I said, as a long-term peace activist I’m looking for these voices.”

No Palestinian from Gaza or Ramallah has come forward to take down her challenge. Not one.