The UN estimated the number of refugees at 700000, not 1m. That's your first blood libel lie.

From The War of Return:

"The Israeli historian Benny Morris, a leading expert on the 1948 war and widely respected by both sides for his studies on the creation of the Palestinian refugee crisis, separates the flight of Palestinians from their homes into several stages.22 In the first stage, from November 1947,

following the passage of the UN partition plan, until March 1948, some 100,000 Palestinians left their homes. Second, when offered resettlement the refugees refused and violently attacked projects like Musa Alami's farm in Jordan that tried to build a livelihood for refugees. Read The War of Return for this story...Most of those leaving were upper-middle-class Palestinian families—doctors, lawyers, community notables, and teachers—whose departure seriously harmed Palestinian morale and paved the way for later departures. The masses were left effectively leaderless: by March 1948, almost all the members of the Arab Higher Committee had already left the country."

The Arabs of mandatory Palestine chose a self-declared war of extermination with the support of 5 Arab armies against Jewish sovereignty in any part of the partitioned land over their own sovereignty alongside a Jewish state. From 1948-67 Jordan and Egypt annexed what was left and took their sovereignty away, not Israel.

The PA never conceded the right of return. That's why Arafat rejected the Clinton Parameters. That story, which Saudi ambassador Prince Bandar called a crime, is told in exquisite detail here: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2003/03/24/the-prince-3

Plan Dalet:

"the plan instructed the local commanders to

differentiate between hostile and non-hostile Arabs. Since the considerations were military, the Arabs were not assumed hostile a priori. Those who were not hostile and did not endanger the Jewish fighting forces could remain in place, according to the plan, and many did. A prime

example was the villages on the road to Jerusalem, such as Abu Ghosh. Villages that proved hostile and were either involved in the fighting or provided aid to the Arab militias were to be surrounded, their arms confiscated, the militias destroyed, and the local population sent beyond the border.

Many decades later, Plan Dalet is repeatedly mentioned by anti-Israel activists as providing a blueprint for the ethnic cleansing of the Arabs from the country. But it was no such thing. The plan, which is readily available for anyone to read, was very clear in its military purpose, and the

differentiating factor was not whether the people were Arabs or not, but whether they were hostile or not."

"In reality, the attitude of the refugees themselves was the primary reason for the collapse of UNRWA’s efforts. For the Palestinians, all international community efforts rested

on the assumption that the refugees were not going to live in Israel. Western diplomats occasionally complained that the Palestinians were acting irrationally in their failure to grasp that the overwhelming majority would never return to

Israel and that it was time to rebuild their lives in their host countries. But the Palestinians’ position was actually highly coherent. Their supreme concern—above any humanitarian considerations—was not to recognize the state of Israel. They subordinated their own living conditions to the wider struggle against the state of Israel. They saw the living conditions of hundreds of thousands, and later millions, of their people as less important than this political objective. Since this was so, it was only natural to refuse rehabilitation or a return to normalcy if this meant ending the war with

Israel. “The Arab states will not integrate the Palestine refugees,” said Ahmad Shukeiri, the first chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), “because the integration would be a slow process of liquidation of the Palestine problem.”66

So was sealed the fate of Alami’s flagship project. From the very first moment, Alami was accused of treason and collaboration with the Zionists and Western imperialism. His rehabilitation project was seen as a blow to Arab efforts to guarantee the return of the refugees to Israeli territory. His

aristocratic pedigree and record of clear anti-Zionist activism were of no help. No matter how often Alami stressed that his activity was purely humanitarian, and that he was not giving up on the demand for return, his very act of enabling some refugees to move from a refugee camp and a life of welfare to permanent housing and a life of economic self-sufficiency was seen as unforgivable perfidy. Rumors about Alami’s project and attempts to harm it began at the dawn of the 1950s. Many of the residents of the adjacent camps refused to cooperate with him, fearing this was a plot to prevent them from returning to Israel.

Matters reached a head in December 1955, when thousands of Palestinian refugees from the camps around Jericho attacked the farm and leveled it. The clan chiefs in the camps fomented the masses against the “gang of traitors” headed by arch-traitor Musa Alami, calling on anyone who could to take up arms and head for the farm. One group of

refugees advanced on Alami’s home to kill him. Searching for him, the rioters pushed over a woman who was in labor. Alami himself was in Beirut at the time, so was saved. The rioters tore up his office and broke into his safes in an attempt to find, among piles of documents, evidence of his

collaboration with Israel. One column of refugees advanced on the dormitories of the orphans, the oldest of whom were thirteen years old. They stripped the children, beat them, spoiled their

bedclothes, and burned everything in their path. One orphan, with a leg in a cast, was thrown off his bed, breaking his other leg. The children returned fire by throwing stones and managed to save a teacher, who had lost consciousness from the blows he had sustained in the attack.

At one point, a group of rioters burst into an area housing

several Palestinian women, intending to rape them. At that

very moment, Jordanian policemen arrived on site and

stopped them, chasing them away. But it was too late to

save Alami’s life’s work. When the attack ended, his farm

was a smoldering ruin: the rioters had burned the whole

place to the ground, looting anything they could. The

residential quarters were left covered in soot and without

roofs. A long convoy of refugees returned to Jericho holding

thousands of chickens, geese, pots, and broken furniture.67

Alami was informed of the attack that same evening. He

felt profoundly insulted and shocked by this display of

violence and hatred. It was a resounding slap in the face for

one who had devoted his life to helping his own people. And

it was the clearest and most brutal evidence to date of the

Arab attitude that any attempt at rehabilitation and

integration into the economy and normal life was grave

treachery. Faced with a choice between humiliation from a

life of poverty and adversity in the refugee camps and the

perceived humiliation of accepting Israel as a fait accompli,

the refugees chose to remain in the camps.

The lesson from the attack was that if the refugees were

capable of harming their own kind, then UNRWA had no

chance of rehabilitating them. If even a leading nationalist

like Alami could not help the refugees, the whole

rehabilitation project was clearly doomed to failure. The

refugees were fully conscious in the choice they made: no to

the state of Israel, even at the cost of staying in the camps

forever."